The story of Islamic Imperialism -I

The story of Islamic Imperialism -I

The Mamluk Sultans of Delhi

The victories of Muhammad Ghori had only initiated process whose completion, requiring sustained military operation, seemed foredoomed by the implication of his sudden death on the bank of the Sindhu.

A unified command in India, unhampered by consideration of trans-Indus politics, was urgently called for, but to achieve this was in itself a major task. For Muhammad Ghori left no son but a band of slaves to claim his dominion.

Among these slaves, one was Qutb-ud-din Aibak who was placed as in charge of Delhi. Aibak remain preoccupied with the problem of preserving his government’s separate entity of establishing a political frontier. The task was still unaccomplished when he died in A.D 1210. He was succeeded by his son Aram but more powerful faction in Delhi favored his son in law, Illtutmish.

With equal energy and determination, but with less decisive results, he set to work to wrest the military initiative from the Hindu princes. In the area south, the Pariharas, had expanded their rule over Jhansi and Narwar. The extent of the revival of Hindu Powers and the difficulties facing the Delhi troops were heavily underlined by the inconclusive results of Iltutmish's operations in Rajputana. Opening the cam¬paign in A.D. 1226, he took Ranthambor and Mandawar and humbl¬ed Jalor, but was repulsed with heavy losses by the Guhilots from Nagda. Rajput records speak also of his failure in an attack on the Chaulukyas of Gujarat. A similar expedition, conducted by one of his officers against the Chauhans of Bundi, also ended in failure.
A seemingly successful raid into Malwa gave him more plunder. He destroyed an ancient temple at Vidisha. Badauni reports: “Having destroyed the idol temple of Ujjain which had been built six hundred years previously, and was called Mahakal, he leveled it to its foundations, and threw down the image of Rai Vikramajit from whom the Hindus reckon their era, and brought certain images of cast molten brass and placed them on the ground in front of the doors of mosques of old Delhi, and ordered the people of trample them under foot.”
Muslim power in India suffered a serious setback after Iltutmish. Balban had to battle against a revival of Hindu power. The Katehar Rajputs of what came to be known as Rohilkhand in later history, had so far refused to submit to Islamic imperialism. Balban led an expedition across the Ganges in 1254 AD. According to Badauni, “In two days after leaving Delhi, he arrived in the midst of the territory of Katihar and put to death every male, even those of eight years of age, and bound the women.” But in spite of such wanton cruelty, Muslim power continued to decline till the Khaljis revived it after 1290 AD.


The Delhi Sultanate

After the decline of the Slave dynasty, the Sultanate became even more fragile and instable due to the numerous revolts and internal aggression. The Khilji dynasty started with the crowning of Jalaluddin Khilji by the nobles. This was around the year 1290 A.D.

Jalal ud-din Firuz Khilji

The first Indian ruler of the Khilji dynasty was Jalal-ud-din Firuz Khilji, who ruled from 1290 - 1294. He invaded India and built his capital in Delhi, though he never really ruled from there. He constructed another capital at Kilokhri, and ruled from there for around 6 years. Jalaluddin Khalji led an expedition to Ranthambhor in 1291 AD. On the way he destroyed Hindu temples at Jhain. The broken idols were sent to Delhi to be spread before the gates of the Jama Masjid to be trodden upon by all. Jalal-ud-din Khilji was murdered by his own nephew when he was going to visit him in Kara.

Ala-ud-din Khilji
Alauddin led an expedition to Vidisha in 1292 AD. He brought much booty to the Sultan and the idol which was the object of worship of the Hindus, he caused to be cast in front of the Badaun gate to be trampled upon by the people. In 1298 AD he equipped an expedition to Gujarat. The invaders plundered the ports of Surat and Cambay. The temple of Somnath, which had been rebuilt by the Hindus, was plundered and the idol taken to Delhi for being trodden upon by the Muslims. The whole region was subjected to fire and sword, and Hindus were slaughtered en masse. Kamala Devi, the queen of Gujarat, was captured along with the royal treasury, brought to Delhi and forced into Alauddin’s harem.
Around 1301 A.D, he captured Ranthambhor and murdered the Rajput Hamir Deva. Ala-ud-din led an expedition against Ranthambhor with great vigour which repeatedly defy submission and soldier also lose morale, who had begun to despair of success before the impregnable walls of the fort. Ulti¬mately, shortage of provisions led to famine, which put the garrison to extreme hardship. Hamir Deva sent his minister Ranmal to 'Ala-ud-din to negotiate peace, but he rejected. As there was no hope, women performed jauhar; Hamir Deva with his Rajputs died fighting; and the fort capitulated on July 11, 1301. 'Ala-ud-din put to death Ranmal and other Rajputs who had joined him and had proved faithless to their master.
Mewar
Mewar was the most powerful kingdom of all the Rajput kingdoms and never had been conquered by the Muslims. On 29 January 1303 Alauddin Khilji started for Mewar. First Alauddin Khilji captured the city of Chitor and besieged the Chitor fort. Rana Ratan Singh strongly resisted and fought valiantly with his Rajput army. The Rajputs offered heroic resistance for about seven months. But, due to the long siege, there grew a severe shortage of food, drinking water and other rations. Consequently, the Rajputs surrendered. Women had perished in the flames of Jauhar, and 30,000 Rajputs were put to the sword. Alauddin remained at Chitor for some days, and during this period many temples were destroyed. Alauddin Khilji appointed Khidr Khan as the governor of Chitor. But Khilji was forced to retreat due to repeated counter attacks of the Rajputs. Alauddin Khilji then appointed Maldev, a Rajput, as the governor of Chitor. But Mewar was able to regain her independence immediately after the death of Alauddin Khilji.
Malwa
Alauddin Khilji's conquest of Mewar, Ranathamvor and Gujarat stroke terror in the mind of the remaining Rajput Kingdoms. But Mahlak Dev refused to give in to Alauddin Khilji so easily. He gathered 20,000 horsemen and 90,000 infantry to confront Alauddin's army. Harnanda Koka was the general of his army. On the other hand Ain-ul-Mulk Multani was on the head of a 160,000 Muslim army. After a bloody war Harnana Koka was killed by treachery and the Rajput forces retreated. The Muslims were decimated but due to larger numbers were able to prevail. Malwa along with Mandu, Dhara and Chanderi came in the hand of Alauddin Khilji. Ain-ul-Mulk Multani was appointed the governor of Malwa. It was in year 1294 A.D. when he acquired koh-i-noor from malwa and brought it to Delhi.
Expeditions in southern India

Alauddin then led an expedition towards the south of India. He was said to be the first Muslim king who went to the south to expand his territory.

Devagiri: - Alauddin Khilji invaded Devagiri in 1306. The invincible Malik Kafur was on the spearhead of the army. The huge army conquered Devagiri almost without a battle.
Warangal: - After conquering Devagiri Alauddin Khilji invaded Warangal with Malik Kafur as the General of the Muslim army. After a fierce battle Malik Kafur was able to occupy the Warangal fort.
Pandiya: -Alauddin Khilji then sent Malik Kafur against king Veera Pandian of the Pandiya kingdom at the southern most tip of India.
But the Pandiya princes, unlike other kings, did not shut themselves in forts which might be easily captured. They avoided open battle with the superior force of the invaders but frequently harassed the enemy, and thus made the entire coun¬try the theatre of military operations. This strategy ultimately ex¬hausted the invaders, and Malik Kafur failed to secure the submis¬sion of the Pandiya princes.
In spite of great hardship, Malik kafur reached to modern Chidambaram, where people were massacred , the Golden temple was razed to the ground, and its foundation were dug up. The temple of Srirangam and other temple in vicinity of Kannanur were also sacked and then they set the fire to the temple of Sokkanatha in Madurai.
He had to beat a retreat in the face of fierce Hindu resistance. But he did not forget to capture and carry with him an immense booty and hordes of prisoners who were sold into slavery all along his long route to the imperial headquarters at Delhi.
Taxes

Alauddin imposed many taxes on people to impoverish them and to make them ineffective for any kind of revolt. As a result of this, Hindus were so much impoverished that no gold or silver was to be found in the houses of the Hindus, they could not procure horses or weapons and their wives hade to serve for wages in the houses of the Muslims.

These measures were dictated as much by political consi¬derations as by hatred against the Hindus. Even on general ground the attitude of the Sultan to the Hindus must be regarded as very different from that adopted towards the Muslims. He wanted to crush Hindu at any cost and took extreme measure to fulfill his cherished goal.

This view is fully confirmed by the statement of QazI Mughis-ud-din of Bayana whom the King consulted as to the legality of these measures and certain other questions. Mughls-ud-dln whole¬heartedly justified 'Ala-ud-dln's rigorous policy towards the Hindus and pointed out that Islamic law sanctioned sterner principle, so much so that, “if the revenue collector spits into a Hindu's mouth, the Hindu must open his mouth to receive it without hesitation.”

He was gratified to learn that his treatment of the Hindus was in full accordance with Islamic law and assured the Qazi that he had given orders that the Hindus shall not be allowed to possess more than what is required for a bare subsistence. Alauddin died in January 1316. It is believed that his lieutenant Malik Naib hastened his death. His tomb and madarsa dedicated to him, exists at the back of Qutb complex, Mehrauli, in Delhi

Qutb-ud-Din Mubarak Shah

The third and last ruler of the Khilji dynasty in India was Qutb-ud-Din Mubarak Shah. He was the weakest ruler of all and during his reign, all taxes and penalties were abolished. He released all prisoners of war who were captured after waging gruesome battles. He was ultimately murdered by Khusru Khan who ascended the throne on September 8, 1320, under the title of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq.

The Tughlaq Dynasty

The Tughlaq Dynasty which ruled a large part of India, from the throne in Delhi, was founded by Ghias-ud-din Tughlaq. This dynasty stayed in power between 1320 and 1412. The Tughlaq Dynasty had three prominent rulers; Ghias-ud-din Tughlaq, his son Muhammad bin Tughlaq and his nephew Firoz Shah Tughlaq. The first two ruled over an empire which comprised almost the entire country, but the empire of Firoz Shah was much smaller. After his death, the Tughlaq Empire disintegrated and north India was divided into a series of small states. Although the Tughlaqs continued to rule till 1412, the invasion of Delhi by Timur in 1398 marked the end of the Tughlaq Empire.

Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq.

Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq was the founder of the Tughlaq dynasty in India. His real name was Ghazi Malik and he ruled from 1320 - 1325. He was the one who founded the city of Tughlaqabad outside Delhi. He conquered many areas including eastern portion of Bengal, a huge territory.

Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq blindly adhered to the Quranic laws as the basis of his civil administration. This explains his attitude towards his Hindu subjects "who were treat¬ed with great severity and were made to feel their position of in¬feriority in the body politic". According to 'the ordinance pro¬mulgated by the Sultan, "there should be left only so much to the Hindus that neither on the one hand should they become intoxicated on account of their wealth, nor on the other should they become so destitute as to leave their lands and cultivation in despair".

His attitude towards the Hindus was not very dissimilar to Allauddin Khilji. This shows that the position of the Hindus in the Islamic State of Delhi did not depend much on the character and presonality of the Sultan, but was determined by the Quranic policy, as it was understood in this country in those days. This was clearly based upon discrimination between Muslims and Hindus, and the latter were relegated to an inferior position without any political status or civil rights in the land of their birth.

Mohammed bin Tughlaq

He was considered crazy by those who were there in his court. He was known to mete out very cruel and brutal punishments to people who were found guilty of even small mistakes. He enjoyed a long reign of twenty-six years, and during the earlier part of it controlled twenty-four provinces, a dominion far larger than that of any of his predecessors. But the empire never was at rest; no sooner was one section brought back to its allegiance than another would seek to assert its independence, and by the end of Mohammed's reign it was falling to pieces.
Transfer of the capital to Daulatabad. One of the maddest of his schemes was the transfer of the capital from Delhi to Deogiri in the Deccan, which he renamed Daulatabad. The tyrant's order was carried out with such ruthless completeness that Delhi ' became so deserted that there was not left even a dog or cat in the city'. Ibn Batuta, the contemporary traveller, found Delhi 'almost a desert', and tells a gruesome story that, the Sultans's servants 'finding a blind man in one of the houses and a bedridden ,man to be projected from a catapult, and the blind one to be dragged by his feet to Daulatabad, which is at the distance of ten days, and he was so dragged; but his limbs dropping off by the way, only one of his legs was brought to the place intended, and was then thrown into it; for the order had been that they
should go to this place'. The unhappy people were afterwards forced to return to Delhi.
Other mad schemes; cruelty. The Sulatan aspired to the fame of a universal conqueror, and accordingly collected a vast army for the subjugation of Persia, which dispersed without affecting anything beyond the pillage of his subjects. Again, he thought to subdue China and sent a hundred thousand men into the Himalayas, where eighty thousand, mostly cavalry, perished miserably. In order to provide funds for his schemes of world-wide conquest, he tried to force people to take copper or brass money as silver, engraving upon it the legend, ' He who obeys the Sultan, truly, he obeys God'. But of course, the scheme failed in practice, 'till
at last copper became copper, and silver, silver' while heaps of the brass coins lay at Tughlakabad (a Delhi fort), ' and had no more value than stones'.
His administration, which he believed to be the perfectioin of justice, was so cruel and sanguinary that ' there was constanly in front of his royal pavilion and his civil court a mound of dead bodies and a heap of corpses, while the sweepers and executioners were weary of dragging the wretched victims and putting them to death in crowds. So that the people were never tired of rebelling, nor the king of punishing'. He also committed frightful massacres on a large scale, and is said to have organized man-hunts, driving men and women like game to the slaughter.
In the earlier days of his reign Mohammed had completed the reduction of the Deccan and brought it into some sort of order like the home provinces.
He led an expedition against Nagarkot, but the expedition proved to be one of the, greatest calamities. According to all accounts, the Sultan sent a large army for the expedition. Ibn Batutah says that it consisted of "a hundred thou¬sand horsemen besides a large number of infantry". It seems that the expedition passed through the Moradabad district. The royal troops captured the city of Jidya, which lay at the foot of the moun¬tain, along with the adjacent territories, and burnt the country. The people here, all Hindus, left their hearth and home and took refuge in the mountain heights. There was only one road leading up to the hill-top and only a single horseman could pass through it. The royal troops climbed by this way and captured the city of Warangal. They wrote about their victory to the Sultan who or¬dered them to remain there.

But when the rains set in, a disease broke out in the army. Accordingly, with the permission of the Sultan, the troops began to descend, but the people took their stand in the gorges and occupied the pass before them. Then they threw down pieces of huge trees which killed a large number of the Sultan's army. Those who survived were captured and the people plundered the wealth, horses and the arms of the royal army. Only three officers of this army escaped, and the rest perished.

But far more serious was the rising of the Hindus in Telingana, Andhra and the territory to the south of the Krishna-Tungabhadra. A sort of Hindu confederacy was attempted in the south in order to free the country from the yoke of the Muslims. This is quite natural and easily intelligible, for the first Muslim inroad into this region, which was more of the nature of a raid than of a conquest, took place during the reign of 'Ala-ud-dln Khalji, barely a quarter of a century ago, and the destruction of the Kakatiya kingdom and the firm establishment of Muslim rule in the Deccan and South India were only a recent event barely five years old. The Muslim chronicles either ignore this movement among the Hindus or merely view it as one more rebellion against the Sultan. In any case their reference to it is brief and casual. This shows how much we are liable to misread or misinterpret Indian history so long as we have to derive our information from Muslim chronicles alone.

Though the ruling houses and many noble families in the Deccan perished on account of the Muslim raids, some of the chief¬tains who survived the catastrophe joined hands with the object of freeing their country from the Muslim yoke. According to con¬temporary Hindu records, Prolaya Nayaka drew his sword against the Musulmans to re-establish the Hindu dharma, to restore the worship of the gods, and to protect the Brahmana and the cow. People from all parts joined their standard, and under their inspiring leader¬ship defeated the Muslims in a series of battles. As a result of these victories Prolaya Nayaka drove the Muslim garrison from the coastal districts of Andhra and established himself at Ekapalli in the Bhadrachalam taluk in the East Godavari district.

Prolaya died between A.D. 1330 and 1335 and was succeeded by his nephew (brother's son), Kapaya Nayaka, the Kanaya or Krishna Nayak of the Muslim historians. Kapaya Nayaka was a shrewd statesman and could easily read the signs of the time. He was the leader of a confederacy of seventy-five chiefs, and in order to hasten the impending ruin of the Sultanate, he tried to organize a league of all the Hindu chiefs of the South.

Kapaya Nayaka, accompanied by the Hoysala troops, invaded Tiling and stirred up a Hindu rebel¬lion. A similar national movement of the Hindus had also been working in the region along the Krishna under the leadership of Chalukya Somadeva, the progenitor of the Aravidu family.

Somadeva is said to have captured a number of forts and won many battles. But his greatest achievement was his victory over Malik Muhammad who was appointed governor of Kampill after it was conquered by Muhammad Tughluq only a few years before, as noted above in connection with the rebellion of Gurshasp.

Muhammad Tughluq had succeeded, by A.D. 1328, in establishing his authority almost up to the southern ex¬tremity of Indian Peninsula. But in less than ten years he lost the entire region to the south of the Krishna-Tungabhadra line, and even a part of Telingana and the coastal districts of Andhra. It marked the disintegration of the empire in a manner which no one could fail to notice. When the Sultan returned from Warangal to Delhi famine was raging in Delhi and its neighbourhood in a severe form, and men and cattle died in thousands.
Oh his way back from Gujarat expedition, he contracted fever and died on March, 20, 1351. Thus ended the career of one of the most blood thirsty tyrant that ever sat on the throne of Delhi. He had extended the Delhi Empire to its farthest limits, but before his death he lost everything south of the Vindhya.
Feroz Shah Tughlaq
Feroz Shah Tughlaq was the successor of Mohammed Bin Tughlaq. He built the city of Firuzabad on the bank of the Yamuna, which become known as New Delhi
Firuz Shah Tughlaq led an expedition to Orissa in 1360 AD. He destroyed the temple of Jagannath at Puri, and desecrated many other Hindu shrines.
According to Sîrat-i-Fîrûz Shãhî which he himself wrote or dictated, “Allah who is the only true God and has no other emanation, endowed the king of Islãm with the strength to destroy this ancient shrine on the eastern sea-coast and to plunge it into the sea, and after its destruction he ordered the image of Jagannãth to be perforated, and disgraced it by casting it down on the ground.
They dug out other idols which were worshipped by the polytheists in the kingdom of Jãjnagar and overthrew them as they did the image of Jagannãth, for being laid in front of the mosques along the path of the Sunnis and the way of the musallis (Muslim congregation for namãz) and stretched them in front of the portals of every mosque, so that the body and sides of the images might be trampled at the time of ascent and descent, entrance and exit, by the shoes on the feet of the Muslims.”
After the sack of the temples in Orissa, Firuz Shah Tughlaq attacked an island on the sea-coast where “nearly 100,000 men of Jãjnagar had taken refuge with their women, children, kinsmen and relations”. The swordsmen of Islam turned “the island into a basin of blood by the massacre of the unbelievers”. A worse fate overtook the Hindu women. Sîrat-i-Fîrûz Shãhî records: “Women with babies and pregnant ladies were haltered, manacled, fettered and enchained, and pressed as slaves into service in the house of every soldier.”
Still more horrible scenes were enacted by Firuz Shah Tughlaq at Nagarkot (Kangra) where he sacked the shrine of Jvalamukhi. Firishta records that the Sultan “broke the idols of Jvãlãmukhî, mixed their fragments with the flesh of cows and hung them in nosebags round the necks of Brahmins. He sent the principal idol as trophy to Medina.”

About the same time the Sultan led an expedition against Kharku, the Raja of Katehr (Rohilkhand). In A.D. 1380, the Sultan marched with an army to Katehr and perpetrated almost a wholesale massacre of the Hindus. The Sultan then attacked Kumaon and a very large number of Hindus were killed and 23,000 captured and enslaved. Before returning to Delhi, Firuz left a positive order to devastate Katehr annually for the next five years, and appointed an Afghan to execute this bloody work, The Sultan himself annu¬ally visited the region during the next five years in order to see that his ferocious order was duly carried into effect. The result was: "In those years not an acre of land was cultivated, no man slept in his house…".
Biography : Futuhat-i-Flruz Shahi

The weak and vacillating policy of Firuz was conspicuous throughout his reign, in both civil administration and military affairs. The only occasion on which he showed strength, resolu¬tion and firm determination was in the persecution of the Hindus. A glaring instance is furnished by his barbarous method of warfare in Katehr, referred to above, and the tenacity with which he persecuted the Hindus of that region offers a striking contrast to his humane attitude towards Muslim rebels, for example those in Bengal. As he himself said, "he was resolved never more to make war upon Muslims."

This brings us to the question of the bigotry of Firuz Shah which formed the blackest spot on his character. Anyone who reads the Futuhat-i-Flruz Shahi written by the Sultan himself, cannot avoid the impression that Firuz possessed both the virtues and vices of an orthodox Muslim ruler. The most prominent of these vices was the intolerance of any faith other than orthodox Islam. It is evident from this book that the Sultan divided man¬kind into two groups, Musulmans (by which he meant Musulman of the approved orthodox type), and non-Musulmans, and regard¬ed the former alone as his special concern.

So far as the Hindus were concerned, the following passage gives an idea of his bigoted attitude:—

"The Hindus and idol-worshippers had agreed to pay the money for toleration (zar-i-zimmiya), and had consented to the poll tax, in return for which they and their families enjoyed security.

These people now erected new idol-temples in the city and the environs in opposition to the Law of the Prophet which declares that such temples are not to be tolerated. Under Divine guidance I destroyed these edifices, and killed those leaders of infidelity who seduced others into error, and the lower orders I subjected to stripes and chastisement, until this abuse was entirely abolished. The fol¬lowing is an instance:-—In the village of Maluh there is a tank which they call kund (tank). Here they had built idol-temples, and on certain days the Hindus were accustomed to proceed thither on horseback and wearing arms. Their women and children also went out in palankins and carts. There they assembled in thou¬sands and performed idol worship. This abuse had been so over¬looked that the bazar people took out there all sorts of provisions, and set up stalls and sold their goods.

When intelligence of this came to my ears my religious feelings prompted me at once to put a stop to this scandal and offence to the religion of Islam. On the day of the assembling I went there in person, and I ordered that the leaders of these people and the pro¬moters of this abomination should be put to death and destroyed their idol temples, and instead thereof raised mosques".

Firoz also cites another concrete instance where the Hindus who had erected new temples were put to death before the gate of the palace, and their books, the images of deities, and the vessels used in their worship were publicly burnt. This was to serve "as a warning to all men, that no zimmi could follow such wicked practices in a Musulman country".

Other instances are given by contemporary writers. 'Afif gives a graphic description of one such case. A Brahman of Delhi was charged with "publicly performing the wor¬ship of idols in his house and perverting Muhammadan women, leading them to become infidels". The Brahman was told that according to law he must "either become a Musulman or be burned." The Brahman having refused to change his faith, "was tied hand and foot and cast into a burning pile of faggots'. 'Afif, who wit¬nessed the execution, ends his account by saying: "Behold the Sultan's strict adherence to law and rectitude, how he would not deviate in the least from its decrees".

The Sultan himself boasts that he adopted every means to induce the Hindus to adopt Islam. This will be evident from the following passage:—

"I encouraged my infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the Prophet, and I proclaimed that every one who repeated the creed and became a Musulman should be exempt from the jizya, or poll-tax. Information of this came to the ears of the people at large and great numbers of Hindus presented themselves, and were ad¬mitted to the honor of Islam. Thus they came forward day by day from every quarter, and, adopting the faith, were exonerated from the jizya, and were favoured with presents and honours". This is probably the first recorded instance, after Muslim conquest of India, of the State itself becoming a proselytizing agency.

Firuz regarded the Sultanate as a Muslim State. So, "as far as the beneficent activities of the State were concerned (e.g. educa¬tion, care of the poor, provision of the unemployed, marriage of the poor girls, religious endowments, etc.), it was largely the Muslims who benefited". This is clearly admitted by 'Afif. "Political power remained exclusively in Muslim hands and no post of influence is known to have been held by any Hindu".
He had about 180,000 slaves, who had been brought from all over the country, trained in various arts and crafts. They however turned out to be undependable. Transfer of capital was the highlight of his reign.
Firoz Shah's death led to many rebellions. His lenient attitude had weakened the sultan's position. His successor Ghiyas-ud-Din Tughluq II could not control the slaves or the nobles. The army had become weak. Slowly the empire shrank in size. Ten years after his death, Timur's invasion devastated Delhi.
AMIR TIMUR
The climax came during the invasion of Timur in 1399 AD. Once in a course of a fight, he was wounded by an arrow in the leg and he limped for the rest of his life. Hence he was named as “Timur-i-lang” (limping Timur).
He starts by quoting the Quran in his Tuzk-i-Timûrî: “O Prophet, make war upon the infidels and unbelievers, and treat them severely.” He continues: “My great object in invading Hindustan had been to wage a religious war against the infidel Hindus” [so that he can become martyr] the army of Islam might gain something by plundering the wealth and valuables of the Hindus.”
To start with he stormed the fort of Kator on the border of Kashmir. He ordered his soldiers “to kill all the men, to make prisoners of women and children, and to plunder and lay waste all their property”. Next, he “directed towers to be built on the mountain of the skulls of those obstinate unbelievers”.
Soon after, he laid siege to Bhatnir defended by Rajputs. They surrendered after some fight, and were pardoned. But Islam did not bind Timur to keep his word given to the “unbelievers”. His Tuzk-i-Timûrî records: “In a short space of time all the people in the fort were put to the sword, and in the course of one hour the heads of 10,000 infidels were cut off. The sword of Islam was washed in the blood of the infidels, and all the goods and effects, the treasure and the grain which for many a long year had been stored in the fort became the spoil of my soldiers. They set fire to the houses and reduced them to ashes, and they razed the buildings and the fort to the ground.”
Timur was now moving through Haryana, the land of the Jats. He directed his soldiers to “plunder and destroy and kill every one whom they met”. And so the soldiers “plundered every village, killed the men, and carried a number of Hindu prisoners, both male and female”
Loni which was captured before he arrived at Delhi was predominantly a Hindu town. But some Muslim inhabitants were also taken prisoners. Timur ordered that “he Musulman prisoners should be separated and saved, but the infidels should all be despatched to hell with the proselytising sword”
By now Timur had captured 100,000 Hindus. As he prepared for battle against the Tughlaq army after crossing the Yamuna, his Amirs advised him “that on the great day of battle these 100,000 prisoners could not be left with the baggage, and that it would be entirely opposed to the rules of war to set these idolators and enemies of Islam at liberty”. Therefore, “no other course remained but that of making them all food for the sword”. Tuzk-i-Timûrî continues: “I proclaimed throughout the camp that every man who had infidel prisoners should put them to death, and whoever neglected to do so should himself be executed and his property given to the informer. When this order became known to the ghãzîs of Islam, they drew their swords and put their prisoners to death. One hundred thousand infidels, impious idolators, were on that day slain. Maulana Nasiruddin Umar, a counsellor and man of learning, who, in all his life, had never killed a sparrow, now, in execution of my order, slew with his sword fifteen idolatrous Hindus, who were his captives.”
The Tughlaq army was defeated in the battle that ensued next day. Timur entered Delhi and learnt that a “great number of Hindus with their wives and children, and goods and valuables, had come into the city from all the country round”. He directed his soldiers to seize these Hindus and their property. Tuzk-i-Timûrî concludes: “any of them (Hindus) drew their swords and resisted” The flames of strife were thus lighted and spread through the whole city from Jahãnpanah and Siri to Old Delhi, burning up all it reached. The Hindus set fire to their houses with their own hands, burned their wives and children in them and rushed into the fight and were killed… On that day, Thursday, and all the night of Friday, nearly 15,000 Turks were engaged in slaying, plundering and destroying. When morning broke on Friday, all my army went off to the city and thought of nothing but killing, plundering and making prisoners”.
The following day, Saturday the 17th, all passed in the same way, and the spoil was so great that each man secured from fifty to a hundred prisoners, men, women, and children. There was no man who took less than twenty. The other booty was immense in rubies, diamonds, garnets, pearls, and other gems and jewels; ashrafis, tankas of gold and silver of the celebrated Alãi coinage: vessels of gold and silver; and brocades and silks of great value. Gold and silver ornaments of Hindu women were obtained in such quantities as to exceed all account. Excepting the quarter of the Saiyids, the ulama and the other Musulmãns, the whole city was sacked.”
A historian has very correctly observed that Timur had inflicted “on India more misery than had ever before been inflicted by any conqueror in a single invasion”. Although his avowed objective was to destroy the infidel Hindus and plunder their property and this pious task he did to the best of his ability.
After the departure of Timur, chaos and confusion prevailed over a large part of Northern India. Delhi was almost depopulated and the few that remained were severely affected by famine and pestilence. This miserable lot of the proud imperial city of the Muslim Sultans was brought by one who regarded himself as the champion of that faith. The Empire also perished. Bengal, Deccan and Vijyanagar had already become independent before Timur invasion. Now Gujarat, Malwa and Jaunpur become powerful independent principalities.
Sayyid Dynasty
After the Tughlaq dynasty disintegrated, the Sayyid dynasty rose to power. They were essentially the rulers of the Delhi Sultanate of India and reigned from 1414 to 1451. The Sayyid Empire was formed amidst chaos when there was no figure of authority to control Delhi. The Sayyid dynasty had four basic rulers.

Khizr Khan

The founder of Sayyid dynasty was Khizr Khan and ruled from 1414-1421. Though he didn't wage many battles during his reign, he was busy suppressing revolts in different parts of his kingdom.

Mubarak Shah

After the death of Khizr Khan, his son Mubarak Shah succeeded him on the throne. city of Mubarakabad was founded by him in the year 1433.

Muhammad Shah

After the death of Mubarak Shah, his brother's son Muhammad Shah succeeded him on the throne since Mubarak Shah did not have a son. Muhammad Shah ruled from 1434-1444. He was not an able ruler and misused his power and position of authority. He lost the trust and affection of his nobles and royal force who had freed him from his captors. He was lethargic and lazy ruler who just wanted to live his life in pleasure.

Alam Shah

After the death of Muhammad Shah in 1444, his son took over the throne under the title of Alam Shah. During the year 1447, he visited a place called Baduan and loved it so much that he decided to stay there forever. Till 1451, Delhi was ruled by Buhlul Lodhi. Alam Shah ruled Baduan till he died in the year 1478. with his death the Sayyid dynasty came to end.
Lodi Dynasty
The Lodi dynasty in India arose around 1451 after the Sayyid dynasty. They formed the last phase of the Delhi Sultanate. There were three main rulers in the history of Lodi dynasty.

Buhlul Khan Lodi

Buhlul Khan Lodi (1451-1489) was the founder of the Lodi dynasty in India and the first Afghan ruler of Delhi. Buhlul Khan seized the throne without much resistance from the then ruler, Alam Shah.

Sikandar Lodi

After the death of Buhlul Khan, his second son succeeded him as the king. He was given the title of Sultan Sikander Shah. He was the one who founded a new town where the modern day Agra stands.

Unfortunately, Sikandar, deeply devoted to Islam, was in¬tolerant of other faiths. His attitude towards this religion of a vast majority of his subjects was influence by Islamic law, as usual with Muslim rulers. Sikandar, as a king, however, fre¬quently razed temples to the ground and erected mosques and public utility buildings in their place, as illustrated by his behaviour at Mandrail, Utgir and Narwar. At Mathura he prevented the Hindus from bathing at their sacred ghats or having themselves shaved, The stones of broken images of Hindu idols brought from Nagarkot were given away to butchers to be used as weights.
Ibrahim Lodhi

Ibrahim Lodhi was the son of Sikander who succeeded him after his death. Ibrahim was known to be a very stern ruler and was not liked much by his subjects. In order to take revenge of the insults done by Ibrahim, the governor of Lahore Daulat Khan Lodhi asked the ruler of Kabul, Babur to invade his kingdom. Ibrahim Lodhi was thus killed in a battle with Babur who was the founder of the Mughal dynasty in India. With the death of Ibrahim Lodhi, the Lodhi dynasty also came to an end.



The succession state of the Delhi Sultanate
Gujarat Sultanate
The Gujarat Sultanate was an independent kingdom established in the early 15th century in Gujarat. The founder of the ruling, Muzaffar Shah I was appointed as governor of Gujarat by Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad bin Tughluq IV in 1391. The next sultan, his grandson Ahmad Shah I founded the new capital Ahmedabad in 1411 on the banks of Sabarmati River, which he styled as Shahr-i-Mu'azzam (the great city). Sultan Ahmad Shah died in 1443 and succeeded by his eldest son Muizz-ud-Din Muhammad Shah.
Malwa Sultanate
The Malwa Sultanate was a late medieval independent kingdom in the Malwa region of the present day Madhya Pradesh state in India. The kingdom was founded by Dilawar Khan Ghuri, the governor of the Delhi Sultanate in Malwa.
Initially Dhar was the capital of the new kingdom, but soon it was shifted to Mandu which was renamed Shdiabad (the city of joy). After his death, he was succeeded by his son Alp Khan, who assumed the title of Hoshang Shah.
The Ghuri dynasty founded by Dilawar Khan Ghuri was replaced by Mahmud Shah I, who proclaimed himself king on May 16, 1436. The Khilji dynasty founded by him ruled over Malwa till 1531. Mahmud I was succeeded by his eldest son Ghiyas-ud-Din. The last days of Ghiyas-ud-Din was embittered by a struggle for throne between his two sons, Nasir-ud-Din and Ala-ud-Din. Nasir-ud-Din, however emerged victorious and ascended throne on October 22, 1500. The last ruler Mahmud Shah II surrendered to Bahadur Shah, the sultan of Gujarat after the fort of Mandu fell to Bahadur on May 25, 1531.
The main interest in the history of Malwa during the reign of Mahmud II, is the clash between the Hindu and the Muslim nobles. Hindu under the leadership of Medini rai emerges victorious. Medina Rai become so powerful that Mahmud felt restive under his power and escaped to Gujarat with his queen and son.

Mahmud was cordially received by Muzaffar and soon a Gujarat army, led by the two kings, invaded Malwa and besieged Mandu. Medini Rai and his broher, Silhadi, went to Maharana Sainga to gain his help, leaving the affairs of Malwa in the hands of MedinI Rai's son, Rai Pithora, that is Prithviraja. Prithviraja defended the fort of Mandu as long as possible, but ultimately it fell to the invaders before Maharana Sanga could arrive, and a large number of Hindus were massacred. Muzaffar then restored Mahmud to his throne and returned to Gujarat, leaving a contingent of Gujarat cavalry to help Mahmud.

Though Mahmud had thus recovered his capital, most of the strong points and forts such as Chanderi, Kawun, Bhilsa, Haisen and Sarangpur were in the hands of Medini Ral's followers. Mahmud therefore besieged the fort of Gagraun which was held by one Hema-karana, on behalf of MedinI Rai.

While this siege was in progress, Medini Rai advanced into Malwa with the army led by Maharana Sariga, and Mahmud, on hearing the news, hastily raised the siege and advanced towards the Rajput army. As Mahmud's army was resting after a day's march, the Maharana, without giving his troops any rest, suddenly attacked and routed the Malwa army. Mahmud fell wounded and was taken a prisoner.

According to Rajput chronicles, Mahmud was taken to Chitor, and was kept in honourable captivity for a period of several months. Nizam-ud-dm and Firishta. however, relate that Mahmud was re¬leased after he regained his health, and then the Maharana returned to Chitor. But all the historians have praised highly this generous conduct of the great Maharana. Nizam-ud-dln says: "No act similar to this wonderful one is known up to the present day."

Maharana Sanga has been adversely criticized for what has been called his misplaced generosity. But it should be remembered that he annexed a part of Malwa, and Silhadi, a Hindu chief, became the independent ruler of the territory extending from Sarangpur to Bhilsa and Raisen. A Muslim noble, called Sikandar Khan, took possession of the territory near Satwas. Thus Mahmud was left practically powerless with a very small territory.

The Vijyanagar Kingdom
Harihara I and Bukka Raya I, the originators of the kingdom, were the ones primarily allied to the Kakatiya kingdom who acquired power of the northern regions of the Hoysala Empire through its decline.

Under the influence of sage of Vidyaranya, whom they accepted their guide both in temporal and spiritual matters, they came to believe that it was their duty to champion the cause of the ancient Hindu dharma. Harihara was crowned in AD 1336 as the king of Vijayanagar.
In the first two decades after the founding of the empire, Harihara I gained control over most of the area south of the Tungabhadra River and earned the title of Purvapaschima Samudradhishavara ("master of the eastern and western seas").
Harihara died without issue; and Bukka I succeeded him as the sole sovereign of the Kingdom. The first step which he took after assuming control of the state was to unify the kingdom and strengthen his position. Vijyanagar Empire was in constant struggle with two Muslim Kingdom, one in north i.e. Bahmani kingdom and another is Madura in south.
By 1374 Bukka Raya I had defeated Bahmani Kingdom and gained control over Goa in the west and the Tungabhadra-Krishna River doab in the north. When the affairs of the northern and eastern frontiers were thus settled to his satisfaction, Bukka I clashed with the Sultanate of Madura.
A clash between the two kingdoms was inevitable; and the miserable plight to which the Hindus were reduced by the Muslim rulers of Ma'bar loudly called for interven¬tion. Most of the Hindu shrines were destroyed; good many of them were converted into mosques. The people were killed by hundreds and thousands; their properties were confiscated; religious practices were forbidden; cows were butchered; and terror reigned supreme. Bukka, as the head of a Hindu State which was founded specially to protect the Hindu society and re-establish the Hindu dharma, could not remain indifferent, and launched an attack some time about A.D. 1370. He entrusted the supreme command of his army to his son, Kumara Kampana, who had been governing the Tamil districts of the kingdom as his viceroy since the overthrow of the Sambuvaraya in A.D. 1360-61.
The army set out about the beginning of A.D. 1370 from Gingee in the South Arcot district and inflicted a crushing defeat on the forces of Madura at Samayavaram near Srirangam. Kannanur-Kuppam, the chief stronghold of the Musulmans in this region, fell into the hands of the invaders who, after having restored god Siiranganatha at Srirangam and Hoysalesvara at Kannanur-Kuppam to their respective shrines, marched against Madura. A severe engagement took place somewhere between Trichinopoly and Madura in which the Sultan was defeated and killed. The death of the Sultan, however, did not put an end to the war. Some of his follow¬ers appear to have shut themselves in the capital and declined to submit. Kumara Kampana laid siege to Madura, and took it by storm. Thus ended the Sultanate of Madura after a brief but bloody existence of nearly forty years during which the Hindus of the country were subjected to inhuman tyranny.

With the conquest of Madura, the whole of South India, extend¬ing up to Setubandha Ramesvaram, came under the sway of Vijaya¬nagara, and it thus rapidly grew up into an empire.

Bukka died not live long after this battle and died in AD 1377. He was one of the greatest monarchs of the age, and was the real architect of the Vijayanagara empire. He was a great soldier and achieved conspicuous success on the field of battle, speci¬ally against the Muslims. In an age marked by religious bigotry and fanaticism, special reference must be made to the policy of tolerance adopted by Bukka I in dealing with the religious sects in his kingdom. Taking advantage of the dispute between the Vaishnavas and the Jainas, he issued an edict, copies of which were set up in important centres, proclaiming that from the standpoint of the State, all religions were equal and entitled to protection and patronage. The policy of religious concord, indicated in this edict, was followed by all his successors. All religious communities of the kingdom including the Jews, Christians and Muslims, looked upon the Raya as the guardian of their religious rights and privileges.

Bukka I took an active interest in the revival of the Vedic dharma. He assumed the title of Vedamarga-pratishthadpaka or the establisher of the path of the Vedas, and gathered together all the scholars learned in the Vedic literature. Having placed them under his kula-guru, Madhavacharya-Vidyaranya and his famous brother Sayanacharya, he commanded them to compose fresh commentaries and expounded the meaning of the Vedas and the allied religious texts. He also encouraged Telugu literature and was a patron of Nachana Soma, the greatest Telugu poet of the age.

Bukka I succeed by his son Harihara II. The Bahmani Sultan invaded his kingdom in large force. The sultan had met an inglorious failure and his army was defeated. Harihara II (1377 – 1404 A.D.) extended his dominions in Konkana beyond Goa to Chaul. His son Virupaksha quelled the wide spread rebellion in the Tamil region.
On the death of Harihara II the succession to the throne was disputed. Virupaksha I ruled for only a few months and was followed by Bukka II (1404 – 1406 A.D.) Finally Devaraya I (1406 – 1422) came to the throne. He had to fight against the Reddis of Kondavidu, Velamas of Rajakonda and the Bahamani Sultan of Gulbarga.
For a period of 50 years (A.D. 1372-1422) during which he participated in the administration of the kingdom, he endeavour¬ed to increase the efficiency of his army. He was the first king of his family to realize the value of cavalry which contributed greatly to the success of medieval armies. By purchasing on a large scale horses from Arabia and Persia and recruiting suitable troopers to man them, he enhanced the strength and the fighting capacity of his forces. Devaraya was also the first ruler of Vijayanagara to employ in his service Turkish bowmen whom he attracted to his court by liberal grants of land and money. Under the fostering care of Devaraya I, the Vijayanagara army became an efficient instrument for victory, and enabled him to emerge successfully from the long-drawn contest with the Bahmanl Sultan Firuz Shah.
Devaraya I was an ardent Saivite, and was specially devoted to the worship of the Goddess Pampa of the Tampl-tirtha. He built several temples at Vijayanagara some of which still remain in dilapidated condition. Devaraya was fond of learning, and extend¬ed his patronage to men of letters, philosophers and artists. He invited them to his court and discoursed with them on the arts and sciences in which they were proficient. The 'Pearl Hall' of the palace where he honoured distinguished poets, philosophers and artists by bathing them in showers of gold coins and gems is im¬mortalized in literature and is still remembered in the Telugu country. Under Devaraya I, Vijayanagara became the chief centre of learning in the whole of South India to which gravitated all seeking public recognition and fame. Vijayanagara had indeed be¬come Vidyanagara, the city of learning and the abode of the Goddess Sarasvati.

Devaraya I was followed by his sons Ramachandra (1422) and Vira Vijaya (1422 - 24) whose rule was not eventful. Devaraya II (1424 – 1446) repulsed the intrusion of Gajapati Kapilesvara and restored the Reddi Kingdom of Rajamahendri to its former position. When Ahmad Shah I of Bahamani invaded Vijayanagar he was driven out. Perhaps it was the danger from Vijayanagar that forced the Bahamani ruler to shift his capital to Bidar even when the war was in progress. Devaraya II had to fight two wars against Ala – Ud – Din. Both the wars were confined to the Krishna – Tungabhadra and centered round the forts of Mudgal and Raichur.
A naval expedition under the command of Lakkanna was dispatched against Ceylon and King of that island was forced to pay tribute. During the regime of Devaraya II the Sangama dynasty reached the highest watermarks of its glory. Although he was continuously at war with the enemies, he found time to patronize men of letters in Sanskrit and vernaculars. He promoted fine arts and adorned his capital with new temples.
Mallikarjuna (1446-1465) was a weak ruler and during his reign Bahamanis came very near the capital in 1450. These reverses caused the decline in the fortunes of the Sangama dynasty. Taking advantage of troubled condition in the empire, Virupaksha, the cousin of Mallikarjuna usurped the throne.
Virupaksha II (1465 – 85) was a weak and unworthy sovereign. He precipitated the disruption of the empire, which was undermined by the insubordination of the nobles and officers of the state on the one side and by the in roads of external enemies on the other. Sultan Muhammad Shah III sent his Prime Minister Mahamud Gawan to conquer the whole of the Konkana coast including Goa, Chaul and Dabul. The rule of Virupaksha became unpopular and roused the whole empire to indignation and rebellion. The King was killed in 1485 by his own son. The total disruption was averted by Saluva Narasimha, an able general who ended the rule of the Sangama dynasty.
The Saluva Dynasty (1485 – 1505 A. D.)
During the short span of six years Saluva Narasimha tried to restore the empire to its past glory; but his success was not complete. Gajapati Kapilendra re – conquered Udayagiri in 1491. The Chiefs of Ummattur and Srirangapatna remained unsubdued. However, Narasimha improved the condition of cavalry, transformed the peace – loving farmers of Vijayanagara into a nation of warriors, infused fresh vigour into the body politic and rescued the state from destruction.
At the time of Narasimha’s death his two sons were too young too rule. Therefore, he entrusted the Kingdom to the care of his trusted general and minister Tuluva Narasa Nayaka. Prince Timma was murdered by a minister and Saluva Narasimha II was crowned by Narasa Nayaka. When the new King turned hostile to Narasa, he was removed to Penugonda where he remained in confinement. Narasa Nayaka now ruled Vijayanagara like a sovereign.
Narasa Nayaka restored peace and retained the boundaries of the empire. He suppressed many rebellions and pushed the invasion of the Gajapatis back. When Narasa Nayaka dies in 1503, his son Vira Narasimha succeeded him. In 1505 Saluva Narasimha II was murdered and his dynasty came to an end.
The Tuluva Dynasty (1505 – 1567 A. D.)
Vira Narasimha (1505 – 1509 A. D.) became the founder of the Tuluva Dynasty when he ascended the Vijayanagara throne after the assassination of Saluva Narasimha II. He had to counteract the incursions of Yusuf Adil Khan who tried to conquer Adoni Karnul. He was defeated by Aravidu Ramaraja and Timma, the able generals of Narasimha. Vira Narasimha extended the hand of friendship to Portuguese, increased the strength of the army and attended to the welfare of the peasants and agriculturists. He was succeeded by his step – brother Krishnadevaraya.
Krishnadevaraya
Krishnadevaraya is synonymous with the pomp and splendor of Hampi. South India bursts with joy at the very mention of his name. It symbolizes Hindu pride. His rule not only ensured a secure Hindu State but also led to the encouragement of art, literature and architecture.

The way Krishnadevaraya established a Hindu kingdom with his courage, dharmic outlook and encouragement to culture, litterateur and art is unprecedented. With Vijayanagar as his Capital, he emerged as an Emperor in South India. He ruled for 21 years from1509 to 1530. There are very few Kings who managed to achieve all-round development for the state. Krishnadevaraya was not just an Emperor – expert in domination. He was also soft-hearted and a poet-extraordinaire himself.

His Empire extended from Nellore to Udayagiri, from Kanyakumari in South to Kalinga in East and Goa in West. His name is counted among the nation’s great kings like Chandragupta, Ashoka, Harsha and Shivaji. Even before he turned 20, Krishnadevaraya was destined to go on his Empire extension.

For several reasons, Krishnadevaraya’s forays into extending his empire was a necessity. Several of the samanths (junior Kings) were ambitious and tried to be independent at the cost of Hindu sovereignty. Such a divisive outlook would have spelt doom with the Portugese missionaries and Islamic Jihadi’s keeping a predatory watch. Sultan Adil Shah and Kalinga Kings were forever conspiring to swallow Vijayanagar. Krishnadevaraya made it a point to improve his relationship with the Kings in his region. It was his attempts at synergy to put the foreign invaders at bay. He also achieved a certain level of harmonious relationship with the Portugese and prevented a possible tie-up between the Portugese and Muslims. By extending his credibility, he managed to extend his Kingdom as well as subdue his enemies.

Expedition against the Bahmani kingdom

At the very outset of his reign, Krishnadeva was involved in war with his neighbours in the north and the north-east. The Bahmani Sultan, Mahmud Shah, in pursuance of the compact of Bidar, and probably at the instance of Yusuf 'Adil Khan, declared a jihad on the infidels of Vijayanagara towards the end of A.D. 1509; and he was joined by all the chiefs and nobles who nominally acknowledged his supremacy.

The Bahmani Sultan marched from his capital at the head of a vast army. A fierce engagement took place in which the Bahmani forces suffered a crushing defeat. The Sultan himself was wounded and his nobles and captains, unable to face the victorious enemy, beat a hasty retreat. Yusuf 'Adil Khan who, since the declaration of virtual independence, had been fomenting trouble for Vijayanagara, was killed in the fight, and the infant state of Bijapur was thrown into confusion and disorder.
Taking advantage of the anarchic conditions prevailing in Bijapur, Krishnadevaraya invaded the Krishna-Tungabhadra-docib and captured Raichur (A.D. 1512). He next set out for Bidar in pursuit of Band, and having de¬feated him once again in battle, captured the fort. Krishnadevaraya then restored Sultan Mahmud Shah to power, and assumed, in com¬memoration of the act, the title of Yavana-rajya-sthapan-acharya. This was not a whimsical step. Krishnaraya was not only a great general but a skilful politician. He set the Sultan at liberty and restored him to power, because he wanted to weaken his Muslim neighbours by throwing an apple of discord in their midst. He knew that so long as the shadow of the Bahmani monarchy persisted, there would be no peace among the Muslim rulers of the Deccan.
War with Bijapur

It has been mentioned above, that Krishnadevaraya captured the fort of Raichur from Isma'il 'Adil Khan in A.D. 1512 during his minority when Kama'1 Khan was the regent of the kingdom. Isma'il did not, however, reconcile himself to the loss of the fort and, together with it, the mastery over the Krishna-Tungabhadra-doab. Therefore, when he came to power after the overthrow of Kamal Khan, he took advantage of Krishnadevaraya's preoccupation with the Orissan and other wars on the east coast, and invaded the doab and captured Raichur. In A.D. 1520, as soon as Saluva Timma returned to the capital from Kondavidu, he set out at the head of a large army and laid siege to Raichur. Isma'il 'Adil Khan hastened towards the doab with all his forces, crossed the Krishna, and established himself in an entrenched camp near the village of Gobbur. A fierce engagement took place in which the Bijapuris sustained a crushing defeat; large numbers were massacred and many were drowned in the river while attempting to escape. Isma'l 'Adil Khan fled precipitately from the field, abandoning his camp and war equipment to be plundered by the victorious Vijyanagar forces.

As soon as Krishnadevaraya returned to Vijayanagara after the capture of Raichur, an ambassador of Isma'il 'Adil Khan arrived at his court, protesting against the unprovoked attack, ag he term¬ed it, upon his master's kingdom and requesting that all that had been taken from him in the recent war, including the fort of Raichur, might be restored to him. Krishnaraya promised to comply with 'Adil Khan's request, provided that the latter would pay homage to him by kissing his feet. On being informed of this, the 'Adil Khan agreed to do so, and it was arranged that the ceremony should take place at Mudgal on the frontier between the two kingdoms. But when Krishnaraya reached Mudgal, he did not find Isma'Il 'Adil Khan there. Enraged at the slight put upon him, Krishnadeva crossed the frontier and advanced upon Bijapur to chastise him. 'Adil Khan fled from his capital in panic; and Krishnaraya entered his enemy's capital without opposition, and occupied the royal palace for several days.
Krishnaraya's victory over Isma'il 'Adil Khan was complete. He was personally inclined to continue the war against 'Adil Khan, but, on the advice of the Council of Ministers which he considered wise and prudent, he resolved to give up hostilities and return to his kingdom. Before he started upon his return march, he placed, on the ancestral throne, the eldest of the three sons of Sultan Mahmud Shah II, whom 'Adil Khan had kept in confinement in the fort of Gulbarga; and took the other two with him to Vijayanagara where he kept them in safety, bestowing an annual pension of fifty thousand gold paradaos on each of them. This step was prompt¬ed by motives of policy. The continuance of the Bahmani monarchy, even in a shadowy form, was a source of potential danger to the stability of the new Deccani Muslim states; and if 'Adil Khan or any other Muslim ruler of the Deccan imprisoned or made away with the prince whom he set upon the throne, he held the other two in reserve to make use of them, as he deemed fit, in any new situation that might arise in the future.
Krishnadevaraya as a warrior and general
Krishnadevaraya was famous both as a warrior and general. He believed like most of his contemporaries, that the proper place of a monarch on the battlefield was at the head of his forces. His prowess was well known; he led his armies personally, fought in the front line of the battle, and won the respect of his friends and foes alike. He was a great general, who knew how to win victories under the most discouraging circumstances. He knew no defeat. Whenever he took the command of his armies in person, he was uniformly victorious, and he invariably swept away the forces arrayed against him on the battlefield. His triumphant armies entered the capitals of his enemies, and planted the boar-standard on the battlements of Cuttack, Bidar, Gulbarga and Bijapur. His success must be ascribed to his capacity for organization and the extraordinary skill which he displayed in leading his forces.
He showed amazing resourcefulness in overcoming obstacles besetting his path. He smashed rocks and boulders for making a road for his soldiers to reach the fort of Udayagiri, set up movable wooden platforms around Kondavidu to enable his men to ftght on an equal footing with the garrison defending the fort, cut canals to drain the waters of a river swollen with floods to seize the stronghold of the rebel chief of Chatuir, and put to the sword his own soldiers who turned their backs on the enemy at Raichur, and converted a disaster into a brilliant victory.
But even more than his personal bravery or his skilful management of troops, what enabled him to over¬throw hostile forces was the devotion and attachment of his soldiers to his person. Krishnaraya was accustomed, after the conclusion of every battle, to go about the battlefield, looking for the wounded; he would pick them up and make arrangements to give them medi¬cal help and other conveniences needed for their recovery. Those that specially distinguished themselves in the fight were placed directly under his supervision so that he might bestow particular attention on them and help them to regain their health as quickly as possible. The care with which Krishnadevaraya nourished the wounded soldiers and warriors did not go unrewarded. It won him the affection of the rank and file of his army. The soldiers as well as officers were prepared to throw themselves into the jaws of death in executing his commands.
End of Vijyanagar Empire

The Vijyanagar Empire was one of the greatest Hindu empires of Southern India down the ages, and Krishnadeva Raya--the greatest of the Vijyanagar kings-- one of the greatest kings India has known.

On January 26, 1565 the Deccan Sultanates of Ahmadnagar, Berar, Bidar, Bijapur and Golconda, who had formed a grand alliance, met the Vijyanagar army at Talikota. The allied powers fought against Rama Raya`s army on 23rd January 1565 and the latter was killed in the battle. The panic-stricken Vijyanagar soldiers fled from the scene, but most of them were caught and killed. The Muslim armies plundered Vijayanagara (present day Hampi). Following this rout, the glorious city of Vijayanagara was ransacked and desecrated.

The Battle of Talikota was so catastrophic that never perhaps in the history of South India has such havoc been wrought on a splendid city which was reduced to ruins amid scenes of savage massacre and horrors beggaring description.

It is said that this particular conquest was so ferocious that it left not a stone upon a stone, that it was as if a powerful earthquake had destroyed large areas in the empire, and that even a common soldier of the Bahamani confederacy had become extremely wealthy after the looting and killings that took place.

The battle spelt the death knell for the large Hindu kingdoms in India, and it also ended the last great southern empire in India. What followed was a victorious army along with hordes of robbers and jungle dwellers falling upon the great city, looting, robbing, murdering and pillaging the residents. With axes, crowbars, fire and sword the victorious armies went about the task of bringing to rubble the city of Vijayanagara which never recovered from the onslaught.


MEWAR & MARWAR: RAJPUT STATES
MEWAR

The history of the Guhilaputras till the capture of Chitor by 'Ala-ud-dln Khalji in A.D. 1303 has been referred to above. While the siege of Chitor was in progress the ruling prince Ratnasimha, who belonged to the elder branch of the Guhila family, was dethron¬ed and another member of a junior or Sisodiya branch of the same family was proclaimed as the ruler. The prince who thus secured the throne in a very perilous moment was Lakshmansinha, who had no other alternative but to die fighting with the enemy in defense of Chitor along with seven of his sons. Only one son, Ajaya-sinha, was allowed to save himself by flight; but so precarious was his position that he had to hide himself in the Aravallis and main¬tain a miserable existence. When he died (1314), his elder brother's son, Hammir, succeeded to his titles.

This prince was the real founder of the modern State of Mewar.Nearly a year previously, the Khalji dynasty had come to an end being replaced by the Tughluqs.

Meanwhile Hammir did not remain idle. From the notices left in the inscriptions, it appears that he proceeded in the task of re¬construction in a most statesmanlike way. The mountain strong¬hold of Kelwara in the Aravallis was his principal headquarters. His first attempts were directed towards consolidating his autho¬rity in the neighborhood. In pursuance of this object he cap¬tured the fort of Jilwara which occupied a position commanding the narrow mountain defile that connects Mewar with Marwar across the Aravallis. He could now launch his attacks in either direction at his will and harass the Muslims both in the Mewar and the Marwar regions.

Maldeo, ruler of the nearby state of Jalore, who had allied with them during the recent war. In a bid to reconcile and co-opt the natives of the land to his rule, Maldeo arranged for the marriage of his widowed daughter Songari with Hamir.

On Hammir’s death his son Kshetrasimha succeeded to the throne and ruled for than quarter of century (1378-1405). Kshetrasimha came to be involved in fighting with Dilavar Khan Ghauri of Malwa. A sanguinary battle took place near Chitor and he defeated Dilavar Khan.

Not very long after Kshetrasimha died and succeed by his eldest son Lakshasimha or Lakha. One of the most important events of his reign was the discovery of silver and lead mines in a village called Jawar in the Magra district of the state. That placed the kingdom on a strong foundation without which it would not have been possible for Mewar to carry on the wars with the neighboring states in the 15th and 16th centuries and at the same time reared up some of the most splendid monuments that country can boast of. The artificial lake near Udaipur was also constructed which today is known as Pichhola Lake.

In those days help given to pilgrims was considered very meritorious. Actuated by this idea the aged Lakha gave relief to the Hindu pilgrims that visited the sacred places of Gaya, Banaras and Prayaga. These places were then included within the territories of the Sultan of Jaunpur who imposed severe taxes on such pilgrims, causing great inconvenience to them.

When Lakha died, his son, Mokal succeed to the throne. In his reign Sultan of Gujarat attacked and advanced as far as Jilwara. Rana Mokal went to meet the enemy but was killed. The sudden death of Mokal left the kingdom in a most difficult position. Muslim ruler of Malwa and Gujarat sought to take advantage of Mewar’s trouble. Mokal was succeeded by his son Kumbha.

Kumbha was one of the greatest rulers of medieval India. When the records of his reign that lie scattered in more than sixty inscrip¬tions and many other sources have been fully worked out into a comprehensive and connected account, Kumbha will be found to occupy a place in no way inferior to the greatest of the contemporary sovereigns, Hindu or Muslim.

The most astonishing feature of his life was that though more than two-thirds of his reigns were spent in warfare, he could still find time to devote to the cultivation of arts and literature as well. The erroneous belief that the Rajput ruler was a mere fighting animal is sure to be dispelled by a clear appreciation of this aspect of his achievements. A contemporary manuscript called the Eklingamahatmya credits him with proficiency in the Vedas, Smritis, Mimamsa, Upanishads, Vyakarana, politics and literature. This is fully supported by what is left of his own activities as a man of letters. He wrote a commentary on Jaya-deva's Gitagovinda and an explanation of the Chandlsatakam. For his knowledge of dramatic art and literature he has been described as the new Bharata. He wrote four dramas in which he is said to have made use of four provincial languages. He was also highly proficient in music, and wrote three works on the science of music called Sangitaraga, Sangitamimamsfr and Suraprdbandha.

Consider¬ing that most of his life was spent in warfare, it was but natural that he should take particular interest in strengthening the defences of the country. He is thus said to have built as many as 32 out of the 84 forts in Mewar. He surrounded the citadel of Chitor with a number of bastions and built a cart-road with seven gates from the foot of the hill, on which the citadel stood, up to its summit. In 1458 was laid the foundation of a new fort at Kumbhalgarh.

Be¬sides the defensive works, he was responsible for the construction of a number of temples and wells with arrangements for drawing water. Mention may be made of the Kirtistambha already referred to, and the temples of Kumbhasvaml and Adivarsiha. The temple of Eklingaji having been partially destroyed, Kumbha rebuilt it with the addition of an annexe called Kumbha-mandapa. The example of the ruler was imitated by the people. The beautiful Jain temples at Ranpur and Sirohi as well as the exquisite Sringar Chauri temple at Chitor were also executed in K«fltf>ha's reign, but by private individuals.
Rana Raimal (1473-1509) succeed Rana Kumbha. Early in Raimal's reign, Ghiyas Shah of Malwa attacked Chittor unsuccessfully. Soon after, Ghiyas Shah's general, Zafar Khan attacked Mewar and was defeated at Mandalgarh and Khairabad. By marrying Sringardevi (daughter of Rav Jodha), Raimal ended the conflict with the Rathores. Raimal also strengthened the state of Mewar and repaired the temple of Eklingji in Chittor. The last years of Raimal's rule were marked by conflict between his sons with Prince Sanga (Maharana Sangram Singh) having to flee Chittor. The oldest sons, Prithiviraj and Jagmal were both killed. At this difficult juncture, the Rana was informed that Sanga was still alive and in hiding. Raimal summoned Sanga back to Chittor and died soon afterwards.
Rana Sanga (1509-1527) was among the most prominent Rajput chieftains of his day. Rana Sanga was born in 1482. He was thus 27 when he ascended the throne in 1509, and he died at the age of 46 in 1528, after a reign of 19 years. Not only was Mewar now the most power¬ful of the principalities in Northern India, it was even possible for its ruler to make an attempt on the imperial throne of Delhi. Several causes account for this unique position attained by Mewar. In the first place, since the accession of Hammir, the kingdom had the good fortune to produce a succession of intelligent and strong rulers. It was also fortunate that on account of the timely dis¬covery of valuable mines within the kingdom, the rulers did not lack the economic resources which are indispensable for all progress. In addition to this we have to remember that since the last quarter of the 14th century the central authority in Delhi had been gradually losing its position, and its power had been usurped by half a dozen 'provincial governments, none of which was strong enough to keep the rulers of Mewar under control. Above all, there was the personality of the new Rana.

As Rana Sanga had given a help to Medini Rai , Hindu enemy of Malwa ruler Mahmud Khalji. He bore a grudge against Sanga and attacked the district of Gagraun in 1519. But his expectations were completely belied. The Muslim historians themselves maintain that as many as 30 officers in the Muslim army were killed and the Sultan himself fell a prisoner into Sanga's hands. He was then taken to Chitor where he had to stay for six months. At the end of this period, he was allowed to return to his own kingdom after he had signed a treaty on the following terms:—(1) payment of a large war indemnity, (2) surrender of a gold cap and a belt which were considered as heirlooms by the Malwa ruling family, (3) dispatch of a son of Mahmud Khalji to the Mewar darbdr as a pledge of the future good relation of the Malwa Sultan to the latter. In lieu of these terms Mahmud Khalji was left in the possession of those parts of Malwa which belonged to him before the outbreak of the present war.

While Sanga's relations with Malwa were thus being brought to a conclusion in every way satisfactory to the Rana, those with Gujarat were also receiving his attention. A Muslim officer named a street dog 'Rana Sanga' and kept it chained at the gates of Idar city. When the information reached the Rana, he immediately attacked and Muslim army was defeated and Ahmadnagar fell into Sanga's hands.

These events led to a war between the kingdoms of Mewar and Gujarat. Sultan Muzaffar at first proposed to undertake personally an expedition against Mewar, and prepared a large army for the purpose in December, 1520. After some consideration, however, he changed his mind and sent the expedition in charge of an officer called Malik Ayaz who was to be helped by two other officers. By this time Mahmud Khalji of Malwa had also joined the Gujarat army in the hope of satisfying his vengeance against Mewar.

It was an open secret that the officers who had been sent to co-operate with Malik Ayaz were not in a mood to do so, as they looked upon the Malik's appointment as commander-in-chief as an act of suppression of their just claims. During the interval, Sanga collected a large army and won over Mahmud Khalji by pro¬mising to release the latter's son kept as a hostage in Mewar since 1519. Meanwhile, the ill feelings between the Muslim officers of Gujarat increased with the progress of time, so much so that when the negotiations fell through, they began to quarrel among them¬selves as to which one of them should lead the first attack on Manda¬sor. The bitterness among the Muslim officers reached such serious proportions that Malik Ayaz retired with his contingent from the campaign, which thus ended in failure.

In 1517 the throne of Delhi had passed to Ibrahim Lodi who was, however, faced by a rebellion led by his younger brother with the help of a number of noblemen in the kingdom. After two or three years of warfare the rebellion was crushed and the noblemen brought under control. It seems that Sanga took advantage of this situation to enhance his own position at the cost of the Sultanate. But as soon as Ibrahim's hands were free, he undertook an expedition against the Rana who how¬ever defeated the former in a battle near Dholpur.

This failure, however, prompted the Sultan to undertake another expedition on a large scale. Three of the best officers of Delhi were put in charge of a huge army which penetrated into Mewar, and Sanga came for¬ward to meet it.

Rajput army attacked the enemy which was decisively beaten. Many Muslim officers were killed and Mian Makan was compelled to take to his heels, closely pursued by the Rana's men who drove him back as far as Bayana. Sanga's success against Ibrahim Lodi was the crowning achieve¬ment of his career. It was the culmination of a series of successes against his neighbours, as a consequence of which the boundaries of Mewar were considerably extended.

In getting the better of his rivals, Rana Sanga had secured for himself the leading position in Northern India, and, in inflicting a crushing defeat upon the occupant of the imperial throne at Delhi, he advanced a claim upon that throne itself. It marks the beginning of Mewar's imperial ambition. During the years that followed (1523-28), Sanga sought to materialize this ambition both by diplomatic means and military efforts.

It was probably after his success against Sultan Ibrahim that Sanga proposed to Babur a simultaneous expedition against Ibrahlm Lodi. Babur was to move against Agra from Kabul and Sanga from his own kingdom. Apparently Sanga was determined to bring about the annihilation of the Sultan and, to ensure it, invited Mughul help. But it is clear from Sanga's later conduct that it was not his intention to admit Babur as a co-sharer in the assets of the Sultanate, which he hoped to secure for himself.

Sanga thought that like previous Mongol invaders, Babur would leave the country after he had collected sufficient booty; or, that the Mughuls and the Lodl would fritter away their strength in a long struggle, making it easier for himself to establish influence over Delhi. It will be seen later that all such hopes, if there were any, were ulti¬mately frustrated.

On the 16th of March, the Rajput army attacked the entrenched posi¬tion of Babur near the village of Khanua. This proved to be the most fateful battle of the 16th century in which the Rajput army suffered a complete defeat at Babur's hands.

Meanwhile, Sanga had not given up everything for lost. From contemporary Rajasthani songs as well as Muslim records, it ap¬pears that he was preparing for another contest with Babur. Rana Sanga is famous for 80 scars on his body, he embodies the spirit of rajput to fight unto immortality. Legend says after being seriously injured still wanted the battle to continue and was poisoned by some of his nobles.

Marwar
The period which witnessed the gradual advancement of the Sisodiya State of Mewar also saw the establishment of the Rathor States of Marwar and Bikaner. The most important ruler of this dynasty was Chunda.
The important achievement of Chunda's life was the" capture of Mandor which had been for the last eight centuries a seat of Pratihara or Parihar power. The Parihar ruler had been dispossessed of his principality by the Muslims some time ago. Now the Rathors and the Parihars combined and their joint efforts were crowned with success. Mandor was recovered and the Muslims driven away.

Within 50 years, his grandson, Jodha, founded a new city within eight miles of Mandor. This city, called Jodhpur after its founder, continued till recently to be the capital of the Rathors of Marwar.

Chunda had also entered into a matrimonial alliance with the Sisodiya family of Mewar—an incident which shows that he possessed more diplomatic talents than are to be found in an average Rajput.

Chunda was succeeded by his son Ranamalla. For the next 10 years he was the most influential person in Rajputana as the strings of the policy of Marwar and Mewar lay in his hands. Ranamalla used this influence in undertaking an expedition against the Muslim ruler of Nagaur who had been partly responsible for the death of his father Chunda. It met with complete success. The Muslim ruler was killed and his lands occupied.

But Marwar could not long profit by his presence. In 1432, his nephew Rana Mokal was killed. This brought Ranamalla again in Mewar and thanks to his endeavour Mokal's son Kumbha secured the throne. The new ruler was young and not yet out of difficulties and therefore Ranamalla must have felt his presence in Mewar necessary. But his presence in and influence over the State raised against him the ill-feeling of the Sisodiya sardars who brought about his assassination in Chitor in 1438.

At the time of Ranamalla's death his son Jodha was also in Chitor, but his father had just managed to pass a note of warning, so that Jodha fled in hot haste towards Marwar, closely pursued by the Sisodiya sarddrs. Thus began that long feud between the two clans that lasted for centuries.

Jodha could not at first make any stand against the Sisodiya invasion. But ultimately in 1459 he was able to lay the foundation of the modern city of Jodhpur. The first 20 years of Jodha's reign (1438-58) form an interest¬ing landmark in the evolution of the Rathor State which was gradu¬ally assuming its modern shape. Throughout this period, but more specially during the next 30 years (1458-1488), another aspect of Rathor history also came more and more into prominence. This was the dispersal of the Rathor princes in various directions and the foundation of new principalities by them. Two factors helped this process—the extraordinary fecundity of the ruling family and the opportunities offered by the political situation of Western India in general and Rajputana in particular at that time.

Jodha had seventeen sons and it was not possible to secure for each one of them an appendage within the State itself. Hence the younger princes sought to acquire contiguous lands and effect settlement therein. Thus one of his sons, Satal, captured the lands near Phalodhi and founded an estate called after him Satalmer. Another son, Bika, occupied Nagaur and founded the city called Bikaner after himself. Still another, Duda by name, occupied Merta and his descendants ruled there under the name of Merta Rathors.




The Kashmir Dynasty


Shahmera founded a Muslim dynasty of rulers about AD 1339. The Muslim historians call him Shah Mir. One of the cruelest rulers of this dynasty was Sikandar. Sikandar’s reign marks a turning point in the history of Kashmir from social and religious point of view. It appears that although the rulers were Muslims the State was hitherto predominantly Hindu, and even the Muslim kings and peoples were not very ortho¬dox in their belief. This is proved, among other things, by the Hindu names like Lakshmi and Sobha borne by the queens, conse¬cration of a golden linga by the latter, and the performance of a yajna (sacrifice) by Qutb-ud-dm to avert famine. This was probably due to the paucity of Muslims in the country.

But a great change took place during the reign of Sikandar. A large immigration of Muslims from outside flooded the country, and there seems to be little doubt that they brought with them that fanatic iconoclastic zeal which distinguished Islam in other parts of India, but from which Kashmir was happily free up to this time.

Many Muslims left other sovereigns and took shelter under this king who was re¬nowned for charity. As the wind destroys the trees, and the locusts' the sail crop, so did the Muslims destroy the usages of Kashmir. Attracted by the gifts and honours which the king bestowed, and by his kindness, the mlechchhas entered Kasmira even as locusts enter a good field of corn." They occupied all the offices of the State and became friends of the king.

Sikandar evidently learnt his lessons well, and his reign was disgraced by a series of acts, inspired by religious bigotry and icono¬clastic zeal, for which there is hardly any parallel even in the annals of the Muslim rulers of India.

His minister, Suhabhatta instigated the king to break down the images of gods. Suha-bhatta's advice fell on willing ears. The result is thus described by Jonaraja: "The king forgot his kingly duties and took a delight day and night, in breaking images.......... He broke the images of Martanda, Vishaya, Isana, Chakrabhrit and Tripuresvara. .......There was no city, no town, no village, no wood where Suha the Turushka left the temples of gods unbroken."

But this was not all. An attempt was made to destroy the caste of the Brahmanas by force, and those who resisted it were subjected to heavy fines. The Muslim version of the activities of Sikandar is given in detail by Firishta who, of course, includes them among his "good institutions'.

According to Firishta, Sikan¬dar issued "orders proscribing the residence of any person other than Muhammadans in Kashmir; and he required that no man should wear the mark on his forehead, or any woman be permitted to burn with her husband's corpse. Lastly, he insisted on all the golden and silver images being broken and melted down, and the metal coined into money". No one can fail to be struck with the con¬trast between Kashmir under Shihab-ud-dln and Sikandar and note that much water had flown down the Vitasta during a quarter of a century.

Firishta continues: "Many of the Brahmins, rather than abandon their religion or their country, poisoned themselves; some emigrated from their native homes, while a few escaped the evil of banishment by becoming Muhammadans.

After the emigration of the Brahmins, Sikandar ordered all the temples in Kashmir to be thrown down." Some temples were levelled with the ground, 'and in one case, we are told that Sikandar, who was personally present, did not desist till the building was entirely razed to the ground, and its foundations dug up. The Muslim historians inform us that for having broken the Hindu temples Sikandar got the title of Butshikan, or the destroyer of idols.

Sikandar died in A.D. 1413 and was succeeded by his son Mir Khan who assumed the name 'Ali Shah. His king, at the begin¬ning of his reign, left the management of affairs in the hands of Suhabhatta who remained the Chief Minister till his death and con¬tinued his policy of persecuting the Hindus. According to Nizam-ud-din, he perpetrated various kinds of oppressions and tyranny on the people, with the result that most of the Hindus left the country and some killed themselves.

Jonaraja gives more details. He begins by saying that while Sikandar put some limits to the persecution of the Hindus, these were now exceeded and there was no restraint. What he probably means is that, while the religious bigotry in the preceding reign took the forms mainly of destroying temples and demolishing the images of gods, Suhabhatta now more violently persecuted the Brahmanas. He imposed a fine or inflicted punishment on the Brahmanas and forbade religious sacrifices and processions.

Lest the Brahmanas leave the country to avoid the oppression and maintain their caste, orders were issued that no one might leave Kashmir without a passport, so that Suhabhatta might torment the Brahmanas as a fisherman torments the fish after put¬ting them in a net in river. In spite of the regulation, some left the country by unfrequented roads. As to the rest, some tried to save themselves by putting on Muslim dress, while others put an end to their lives by fire, poison, drowning, hanging and jumping from a precipice. In order to put a stop to Hindu learning, Suhabhatta stopped the allowances of the Brahmanas, who had to move from door to door, like dogs, for food. It is interesting to note that Suhabhatta maintained that all these he did out of his regard for Islamic faith, and not out of any malice towards the Brahmanas.


HINDU – MUSLIM RELATIONSHIP

Status of the Hindus

The political and religious condition under which the Hindus were forced to live in a Muslim State raised a great barrier between the two communities. The political supremacy of the Muslims was absolute; the Hindus not only enjoyed no political status in practice, but could not even aspire to it under Islamic theory. This has been lucidly expressed by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, an eminent historian of international reputation, in an article from which the following passage is quoted:

"The poison lay in the very core of Islamic theocracy. Under it there can be only one faith, one people, and one all overriding authority. The State is a religious trust administered solely by His people (the Faithful) acting in obedience to the Commander of the Faithful, who was in theory, and very often in practice too, the supreme General of the Army of militant Islam (Janud). There could be no place for non-believers. Even Jews and Christians could not be full citizens of it, though they somewhat approached the Muslims by reason of their being "People of the Book" or believers in the Bible, which the Prophet of Islam accepted as revealed.

"As for the Hindus and Zoroastrians, they had no place in such a political system. If their existence was tolerated, it was only to use them as hewers of wood and drawers of water, as tax-payers, "Khiraj-guzar", for the benefit of the dominant sect of the Faithful. They were called Zimmis or people under a contract of protection by the Muslim State on condition of certain service to be rendered by them and certain political and civil disabilities to be borne by them to prevent them from growing strong. The very term Zimmi is an insulting title. It connotes political inferiority and helpless¬ness like the status of a minor proprietor perpetually under a guar¬dian; such protected people could not claim equality with the citizens of the Muslim theocracy.

"Thus by the basic conception of the Muslim State all non-Muslims are its enemies, and it is the interest of the State to curb their growth in number and power. The ideal aim was to exterminate them totally, as Hindus, Zoroastrians and Christian nationals have been liquidated (sometimes totally, sometimes leaving a negligible remnant behind) in Afghanistan, Persia and the Near East.

"The Quran (IX.29) calls upon the Muslims 'to fight those who do not profess the true faith, till they pay jizya with the hand in humility.' This was a poll-tax payable by Hindus (and also Christians) for permission to live in their ancestral homes under a Muslim sovereign.

"In addition to the obligation to pay this poll-tax, the Hindu was subjected to many disabilities by the very constitution of the Muslim theocracy. He must distinguish himself from the Muslims by wearing a humble dress, and sometimes adding a label of a certain color to his coat. He must not ride on horse-back or .carry arms,* though wearing the sword was a necessary part of the dress of every gentleman of that age. He must show a generally respectful at¬titude towards Muslims. The Hindu was also under certain legal disabilities in giving testimony in law-courts, protection under the criminal law, and in marriage. Finally, in the exercise of his religion he must avoid any publicity that may rouse the wrath of the followers of the Prophet.

"There is another mandate relating to those subjects who are unbelievers and protected people (zimmi). For their governance, the observance of those conditions which the Caliph 'Umar laid in his agreement for establishing the status of the fire-worshippers and the People of the Book (Jews and Christians) and which gave them safety is obligatory on rulers and governors. Rulers should impose these conditions on the zimmts of their dominions and make their lives and their property dependent on their fulfilment. The twenty conditions are as follows:

1. In a country under the authority of a Muslim ruler, they are to build no new homes for images or idol temples.
2. They are not to rebuild any old buildings which have been destroyed.
3. Muslim travelers are not to be prevented from staying in idol temples.
4. No Muslim who stays in their houses will commit a sin if he is a guest for three days, if he should have occasion for the delay.
5. Infidels may not act as spies or give aid and comfort to them.
6. If any of their people show any inclination towards Islam, they are not to be prevented from doing so.
7. Muslims are to be respected.
8. If the zimmis are gathered together in a meeting and Muslims appear, they are to be allowed at the meeting.
9. They are not to dress like Muslims.
10. They are not to give each other Muslim names.
11. They are not to ride on horses with saddle and bridle.
12. They are not to possess swords and arrows.
13. They are not to wear signet rings and seals on their fingers.
14. They are not to sell and drink intoxicating liquor openly.
15. They must not abandon the clothing which they have had as a sign of their state of ignorance so that they may be distinguished from Muslims.
16. They are not to propagate the customs and usages of poly-theists among Muslims.
17. They are not to build their homes in the neighborhood of those of Muslims.
18. They are not to bring their dead near the graveyards of Muslims.
19. They are not to mourn their dead with loud voices.
20. They are not to buy Muslim slaves


At the end of the treaty it is written that if Zimmis infringe any of these conditions, they shall not enjoy security and it shall be lawful for Muslims to take their lives and possessions as they though were the lives and possession of unbelievers in a state of war with the faithful.

It is little wonder then that, as the history of the Muslim States in Medieval India clearly shows, the Hindus had hardly any place in the highest branches of administration or in the formula¬tion of its policy. With a few exceptions, here and there, almost all the high offices were bestowed upon the Muslims, whether Indian or foreign. It is interesting to note that many Muslim noblemen or adventurers, coming from Iran or Turan, were immediately ap¬pointed to posts of honor, dignity and importance in a Muslim court, which were practically barred to the Hindus. The Muslim politicians and writers of the period took for granted that the natural distinction was between Muslims and Hindus, and not between Indians and foreigners. The State and society were divided horizontally and not vertically.

It is true that Hindu occupied a large number of junior posts and, towards the close of the period, occasionally a few high offices, in civil administration, and more rarely, in the army. But they had no political status and lived on sufferance in the land of their birth, which was regarded as, and publicly declared to be, a Muslim State and country. The Hindus could, therefore, be hardly expected to be even as much satisfied with their political condition as the Hindus and Muslims at the be gaining of the twentieth century when they held the offices even, of governors and members of Viceroy's council under the British rule. Whether we look at the intrinsic importance of the posts, or the number of them filled up by the subject people, the Hindus were in much worse condition after three hundred years of Muslim rule than the Indians after one hundred and fifty years of British supre¬macy. Judged by a similar standard, the patronage and cultivation of Hindu learning by the Muslims, or their contribution to the deve¬lopment of Hindu culture during their rule of three hundred years, pale into insignificance when compared with the achievements of the British rule during half that period in the same direction. It is only by instituting such comparison that we can make an objec¬tive study of the condition of the Hindus under Muslim rule, and view it in its true perspective.

Social and religious difference

The two lived almost in two different worlds. The Muslims relished beef which was extremely abhorrent to the Hindus.

The absence of mar¬riage restriction within certain degrees of consanguinity, as well as easy methods of divorce and remarriage of females among the Muslims, were repugnant to the Hindus.

The laws of succession, disposal of the dead, and modes of eating and greeting were different.

The Muslims assumed Arabic names, used Arabic calendar of lunar months, and adopted distinctive dresses.

Their congregational prayers were radically different from Hindu mode of worship, and music, which was an essential part of Hindu religious ceremonials, was usually forbidden within the precincts, or even in the neighborhood of mosques.

The intellectual Inspiration of the one was supplied by Arabic and Persian, and of the other by Sanskrit literature.

The fact that the Muslims turned towards the west and the Hindus towards the east, while offering prayers or worship to God, though by itself of no great significance, very cor¬rectly symbolized the orientation of the two cultures.

The Muslim naturally looked with pride and glory upon their successive military triumphs which laid the Hindus low and made them masters of the country. But no Hindu could possibly recollect them without a sense of shame and humiliation.

Facts of History

Ibn Batutah

A learned Muslim of Africa who traveled widely throughout the country about the middle of the fourteenth century AD during the reign of Muhammad Tughlaq. He observed:

1) …there was forcible conversion, mass enslavement and the inferior status of the Hindus as Zimmis.

2) Ceaselessly he would fall upon the infidels and would kill all its male population and made the womenfolk prisoner and seized everything in it.


3) There are several references to Hindu female captives of the highest rank being accorded the most humiliating treatment. Referring to one incident on Id ceremony, “then enter the musicians, the first batch being daughter of the infidels rajas – Hindus – captured in a war that year. They sing and dance, and the sultan gives them away to the amirs and a’izza.

4) Ibn Batutah was a near relative of the Sultan and lived in his court. There is, therefore, no reason to dis¬credit the story, incredibly horrible though it might appear to us, as it did to Ibn Batutah. He has also cited other instances of cruelty inflicted upon the Hindus by the same Sultan in the most callous manner. One day while Ibn Batutah was taking his meals with the Sultan a Hindu (infidel) "was brought in along with his wife and their son who was seven years of age. The Sultan beckoned the executioners ordering them to cut off the Hindu's (infidel's) head", and then uttered some words meaning "and his wife and son". Ibn Batutah turned away his eyes while this was being done. Another day the Sultan ordered the hands and feet of a Hindu to be cut off. Ibn Batutah left the place on pretence of saying prayers, and when he returned he found the unfortunate Hindu weltering in blood.


Indian literature

Vidyapati, the famous poet of Mithila in the 15th century A.D. has given a gruesome account of the oppressions of the Hindus by the Turks. How the Turks force the Hindus to work without pay, place the leg of the dead cow on the heads of Brahmanas, lick the sandalwood mark on their foreheads, tear off their sacred thread, break temples and build mosques in their place, abuse the Hindus and assault them.

The medieval religious writers of Bengal, particularly the Vaishnavas, have left a vast literature which contains casual references to the miserable plight of the Hindus in Bengal. These Vaishnavas were the most inoffensive and peaceful members of the Hindu community and their views cannot be regarded, by any stretch of imagination, to be tinged by political or racial bias of any kind.

The Chaitanya-mangala of Jayananda describes as follows the plight of the Brahmanas of Navadvipa, the birth-place of Chaitanya, shortly before his birth (A.D, 1485): "The king seizes the Brahmanas, pollute their caste, and even 'take their lives, If a conch shell if heard to blow in any house, its owner is made to forfeit his wealth, cattle and even life, The king plunders the houses of those who wear sacred threads on the shoulder and put sacred marks on the forehead, and then bind them. He breaks the temples and up¬roots Tulasi plants, and the residents of Navadvipa are in perpetual fear of their lives. The bathing in the Ganga is prohibited and hundreds of sacred ASvattha and jack trees have been cut down.

Such pogroms of Hindus were not accidental or merely pass¬ing episodes. As Jayananda so tersely puts it, the feud between the Yavanas and the Brahmanas was everlasting. So we find that, far from improving, the communal relation became even worse during the benign rule of 'Ala-ud-dm Husain Shah (A.D. 1493-1519). who is generally regarded as the most liberal-minded Muslim ruler of Bengal.

Vijaya Gupta gives a grue¬some detailed description of the outrage on Hindus by the Muslim qazis, Hasan and Husain. These two made a pastime of baiting the Hindus in all possible ways. Anyone found with the sacred Tulasi leaf on his head (an obligatory Vaishnava custom) was taken to the qazi with hands and feet bound, and heavy blows were administered to him. The piyada (peon) tore away the sacred thread from a Brahman and spat saliva in his mouth. On one occasion a Muslim mulla happened to pass by a hut in a wood where some shepherd boys were worshipping the goddess Manasa the symbol of sacred earthen pots to the accompaniment of music. In righteous indignation the mulla demolished the shepherd's hut, broke the sacred pots into pieces, and threw away the offerings to the goddess. The affrighted shepherd boys had concealed themselves in the wood, but some of them were hunted out and seized.

Isana Nagara, another contemporary writer, describes the con¬dition of the Hindus under Husain Shah as follows:

"The wicked mlechchhas pollute the religion of the Hindus every day. They break the images of the" gods into pieces and throw away the articles of worship. They throw into fire Srimad-Bhagavat and other holy scriptures, forcibly take away the conch-shell and bell of the Brahmanas (two necessary articles of worship), and lick the sandal paints on their bodies. They urinate like dogs on the sacred Tulasi plant, and deliberatfty pass faeces in the Hindu temples. They throw water from their mouths on the Hindus en¬gaged in worship, and harass the Hindu saints as if they were so many lunatics let large.

The two great biographies of the great Vaishnava saint Chaita¬nya, namely, the Chaitanya-charitamrita and the Chaitanya-bhagavata, contain many stories of the religious bigotry of the Muslims and the consequent persecution of the Hindus. Both the books re¬fer to a famous episode in the life of Lord Chaitanya. He had intro¬duced the system of public worship in the form of kirtan (a sort of congregational song loudly sung together by a large number of men in public streets to the accompaniment of special musical instruments). This enraged the Muslim qazi, and one day when Chaitanya's devotees were singing the name of God in the streets of Nadiya (Navadvipa in Bengal), he came out, struck blows upon every¬body on whom he could lay hands, broke the musical instruments, and threatened with dire punishment all the Hindus who would dare join a Kirtan party in this way in his city of Nadiya.

To pre¬vent the 'recurrence of public Kirtan, the qazi patrolled the streets of Nadiya with a party. The people of Nadiya got afraid, but Chai-tanya decided to defy the qazi's orders, and brought out a large fcirtan party which was joined by thousands. The qazl was at first wild with anger and held out the threat that he would destroy the caste of all the Hindus of Nadiya; but terror seized him when his eyes fell upon the vast concourse of people in a menacing attitude. He fled, and his house was wrecked by the angry crowd.

All these merely indicate the degree of abject surrender and the depth of moral degradation of the Hindus of Bengal caused by three hundred years of political servitude and religious oppression. Evidently a new spirit was infused into them by Chaitanya, at least for the time being.

Throughout the Chaitanya-bhagavata there are casual references to Hindus being constantly oppressed by the fear that the public per¬formance of Kirtan, and even singing religious songs loudly in one's own house, would provoke the Sultan and bring untold miseries upon the people of Nadiya.
Permanent wedge between Hindu and Muslim
The Islamic invaders were not the first foreigners to come and settle down in India. In earlier times, the Iranians, the Greeks, the Parthians, the Scythians, the Kushanas, and the Hunas had also invaded India, and settled down here. There were some Mongolian incursions also in the north and the north-east. But by the time the Islamic invaders came to India, all these foreigners had been fully assimilated in the native population, and their cultures synthesized with the indigenous Indian culture. We have never had an Iranian, or a Parthian, or a Greek, or a Scythian, or a Kushana, or a Huna, or a Mongolian minority, or culture, or problem.
The Muslim made a large number of converts in India and, by the end of the period; the vast majority of Indian Muslim must have been descendant of Hindu converts. Influences of Hindu and Muslim community on each other were very meager. Neither the Hindu nor the Muslim imbibed the chief characteristic features of the other’s culture.

The Muslim never moderated their zeal to destroy ruthlessly the Hindu temple and images of gods, and their attitude in this respect remained unchanged from the day when Muhammad Qasim set foot on the soil of India till the 18th Century when they lost their all political power. Muhammad bin Tughluq was asked by Chinese Emperor asked for his permission to build a temple at Samhal, a place of pilgrimage in the Himalayan hills frequented by the Chinese, which the Muslim army "had seized, destroyed and sacked. But the Sultan replied to this effect: "Islam does not allow the furthering of such an aim and the permission to build a temple in a Muslim country can be accorded only to those who pay the jizya”

An orthodox section of the Indian Muslims followed Hanafite doctrine. As QazI Mughls-ud-dln pointed out to 'Ala-ud-din Khaljl, 'it was Hanifa alone who assented to the impo¬sition of the jizya on the Hindus. Doctors of other schools allow no other alternative but 'Death or Islam'. One of the greatest historian of the period, Barani had said’ “If Mahmud was a Shafi'ite, and according to Imam Shafi'i the decree for Hindus is "either death or Islam'—that is to say, they should either be put to death or embrace Islam. It is not. lawful to accept jizya from Hindus as they have neither a prophet nor a revealed book."

If a learned historian and a distinguished Muslim felt no scruple in openly expressing such views in writing up the fourteenth century A.D., i.e. six hundred years after the Muslims first settled in India, one can well understand why the gulf between the Hindus and the Muslims could never be bridged.